The United States had survived the turmoil of the Articles of Confederation and the debates of the Constitutional Convention, and the first presidential reign was beginning. George Washington was a founding father who had gained respect among the colonists. As such, he was the first president, unanimously chosen, to step into the United States' newly created executive branch. He had the task of setting many precedents of procedure and policy. But since that first presidency, wars have changed our national opinion, intellectuals have arisen to challenge past ideologies, and, of course, history has been revised to reflect better upon modern presidencies.
Washington was a humble man who desired a humble nation. Instead of assuming he could micromanage the entire executive branch, he chose a system of knowledgeable advisers, a cabinet. Washington avoided the ostentatious titles of royal European courts and instead accepted simple titles. However, he did add some pomp and circumstance to the office, to give the office respect at home and abroad. Following the model of Rome's Cincinnatus, he eventually stepped down to allow another individual to hold office.
Modern presidencies continue to follow Washington's procedural precedents. Excepting Franklin Delano Roosevelt, all presidents limited themselves to two terms. After Roosevelt's reign, however, the idea of a 2-term limit was imposed through the 22nd Amendment. The president is still humbly, yet respectfully, referred to as Mr. President. Though respect is based more on action and belief than pompous formalities, the formalities do remain. As we will see, this is the only true similarity between Washington's presidency and our modern presidency.
Washington's foreign policy was rather simple as evidenced in his 1796 Farewell Address: "It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world." Essentially, he argued that we should have open commerce with all nations, but avoid permanent alliances that draw us into wars and cause hatred of our nation by our allies' enemies.
Modern presidencies have rejected this essential foreign policy concept of Washington's presidency. Modern 20th century presidents and the majority of 2008 presidential candidates accept wars and alliances as necessary. It was entangling alliances that brought us into World Wars I and II. We have been involved in numerous wars across the globe, intervening in the name of national security and humanitarianism. Individual wars are criticized, while war itself often goes untouched. Even less common is the idea that we should stray from permanent alliances. In today's presidencies foreign policy is a distinct ideological split from Washington's day.
Washington firmly believed that national parties were a bane to governmental efficiency and stability, a common view among Washington's contemporaries, despite the fact two of his advisers formed the nation's first parties. In his 1796 Farewell Address he railed against the dangers of political parties. Despite his warnings, the country did not listen until the divisiveness of the Revolution of 1800.
Political parties are indispensable to political life today. Every president since Washington has belonged to one. There are voters who will vote nothing but their party's candidates. Every party adores their party's successful presidents: Republicans worship Reagan, while Democrats revere FDR. Likewise, each party vilifies the other party's incompetent presidents. While Washington and a few contemporaries feared political parties would fracture the nation and the government, parties have proved to be universal within you political system and do no appear to be disappearing any time soon despite the divisiveness of partisan political and the occasional voiced fear that partisanship divides the nation.
We have also changed with regard to economic theory. In Washington's day liberals and conservatives alike embraced the free market espoused by Adam Smith's The Wealth of Nations
. Since that time, American liberals have accepted a more socialist economic theory. Following the idea that the market is cruel, they believe the government must intervene within the market and create a mixed economy. As the economic battle between American conservatives (who more classical liberal in their economic theory) and American liberals rages, our modern presidents have created a mixed economy for a welfare-warfare state.
Originally, government was not involved in the daily lives of its citizens. It kept a distant hand. However, with FDR's New Deal, resulting in the welfare-warfare state, government began to become a daily fixture in people's lives. And people grew to hold government more responsible for the problems of the world. Eventually, government stepped in with a solution to every problem. Now modern presidencies accept the assumption that government can solve every domestic and foreign problem.
Since Washington's presidency, there has been a shift in what our government is. Many people believe we are a democracy today, but historically we have been a republic. The Federalist Papers argue for a republican government and Hamilton, author of the Federalist essays, remarked, "We are a Republican Government. Real liberty is never found in despotism or in the extremes of Democracy." Look at the definitions of the terms. A republic is a government where the people elect representatives to debate and pass laws; a democracy is a government where the people themselves debate and pass laws. Modern presidents use the term democracy to espouse various actions, such as establishing foreign democracies from old tyrannies, economic equality, and affirmative action/equal opportunity hiring. Without the belief of an American democracy these modern policies are jeopardized.
A large part of this ideological shift from Washington's presidency can be contributed to a change in perception of an executive office. During early American presidencies, the memory of the American Revolution was still vivid. Ending only six years before Washington took office, the colonists had fought a system of a domineering executive. As such, Americans generally feared a strong executive. However, as political parties began to form during the Constitutional Convention and Washington's presidency, two naturally existing and opposing view took hold. Under the Federalists of Hamilton, a strong executive branch would exist within a strong central government. Under the Democratic-Republicans of Jefferson, power would be localized as much as possible to states, cities, and ultimately, the people.
These ideologies fought until the Northern victory against the South states under Lincoln's administration. Hamiltonian theory, though under a new party, became dominant. Occasionally, Jeffersonian theory would arise; nevertheless, Hamiltonian theory would quickly surge back. Since, FDR, Hamiltonian theory has maintained unparalleled dominance. Modern presidencies act under the assumption that government can fix any problem, domestic or foreign.
Ironically, many modern presidents voice admiration for our Founding Fathers, despite their obvious ideological split. They hold the same office and perform the same formal ceremonies and procedures, but they do not govern in the same fashion as their forebears.
The future of the American presidency is up for grabs. It constantly is. The course of the nation can change with a decisive election or charismatic president. That is the beauty (and yet the downfall) of our political system. For example, Jefferson was elected in the relatively peaceful (in terms of no bloodshed) Revolution of 1800, Abraham Lincoln solidified Hamiltonian theory during his presidency, and Franklin Delano Roosevelt brought about the welfare-warfare state of the modern presidency. We can continue to struggle with our current governmental ideology, evolve to a new ideology, or we can return to a successful past: a past where we were not despised by the world community, but were a model of freedom; a past where we were free, yet working towards greater liberty.
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